The Airco D.H.5 and ground attack in 1917

Bombing and ground attack has been an aspect of military aviation ever since 1911, when Italian Lieutenant Giulio Gavotti dropped four grenades over Libya for the first time. Towards the second half of 1917, ground attack was becoming increasingly common on both sides fighting in the First World War. The slightly awkward looking Airco D.H.5 became one of the first dedicated air support aircraft, even if it was designed to for a different role.

The D.H.5 was designed by Geoffrey de Havilland , and the prototype flew in late 1916. After some modifications, the test pilot found the aircraft to be stable, easy to fly and “handy and quick in the air.” The aircraft was also found to be very sturdy, with the wings being able to withstand very high loads in testing. Oliver Stewart wrote that “This aeroplane could dive. That might be written in the memory of the D.H.5… the sight of a formation of D.H.5s was one of the most impressive things of the air war. They appeared to stand vertically on their noses and fall out of the sky like a flight of bombs.”[1] It did turn out that the merits of the D.H.5 did include great maneuverability at altitudes below 10,000 feet, excellent forward field of view and a remarkably sturdy construction. An example of the sturdiness could be noted on November 16, 1917, when 2nd Lieutenant W.R. Jones of No. 32 Squadron had an anti-aircraft shell pass completely through the fuselage of his D.H.5. Only minor damage was sustained, and Jones could land safely.[2]

By building the stagger-wing D.H.5, de Havilland was hoping to combine the excellent view of the pusher aircraft with the aerodynamic and offensive benefits of a tractor aircraft with a synchronized machine gun. Unfortunately, this also meant that the aircraft had little or no view backwards, obviously a significant disadvantage in a dogfight. Oddly enough, the initial machine gun mounting enabled the Vickers machine gun to be elevated in an upwards arc to 60 degrees, thereby enabling the D.H.5 to attack aircraft from below. The D,H.5 was unpopular throughout its service, and several rumors, mostly unfounded, circulated about the handling qualities of the D.H.5. It was a fact that the aircraft did have a serious drop in performance at altitudes above 10,000 feet, and it lost altitude quickly in air-to-air combat. Being known as “De Havilland’s fifth effort”, it was also said that the design was put into service against the wishes of the designer.

The first production D.H.5s reached No. 24 Squadron on May 1, 1917, and for some time this squadron used both D.H.5s and D.H.2s. Eventually the D.H.5 equipped NO. 68 Squadron RFC/No. 2 Squadron AFC, No. 6 and 7 (Training) Squadrons, AFC, and Nos. 24, 32, 41, 64, and 65 Squadrons RFC. The D.H.5 flew various sorties throughout the summer of 1917, but the Ypres battle that started on July 31 was to be the first concerted use of the D.H.5 as a ground attack aircraft.

During the battles for Ypres, the orders for deployment on August 16, 1917 of the II. and V. brigades RFC called for “machine gun and bombing attacks (by night and day) on German aerodromes” as well as machine gun attacks on troops and transport as well as a series of offensive patrols. The V. brigade had squadrons equipped with D.H.5s, and it was decided to coordinate the squadrons with the infantry advance by allocating two D.H.5s to each division for cooperation with the forward infantry in their attack on the final objective.[3] The pilots “were to patrol at low altitude just short of the barrage and engage enemy defensive positions that held up the British advance.” This obviously precluded concentrated air support efforts, and although it may seem reasonable to parse out close air support to all participating infantry units, in reality this left the D.H.5s to provide limited support while making them even more vulnerable to anti-aircraft fire – a larger air unit would be able to overwhelm anti-air defenses, as proven during WW2. It should be added that inclement weather at low altitude also made it quite hazardous to use larger formations.

Besides the divisional support, two patrols, each consisting of four unspecified single seaters, were to cover the entire front of the 5th Army at low altitude, typically 200 to 600 feet, on the enemy side of the front to engage any counterattack. This undertaking seems extraordinarily hazardous, and a concerted enemy effort with several well-placed machine guns would probably have been quite able to dissuade the four single seaters. Besides engaging counterattacks, the four aircraft were also to prevent German contact patrols as a secondary task, although flying at low altitude might very well have made the aircraft the prey of any German contact patrols.

Enemy airfields were also to be engaged, but in a piecemeal fashion, starting with a machine gun fire from a single aircraft as soon as light permitted for accurate firing. The German airfields were thereafter supposed to be bombed over the course of the day. The notion of massing an attack to disable as many enemy aircraft as possible does not seem to have been an option, but the practicalities of launching a squadron before dawn in inclement weather may very well have prohibited this.  

The D.H.5s of No. 41 Squadron had successfully provided ground support to the 3rd Army on August 9, and on August 19, support was more concentrated. The advance of the 3rd Brigade was to be supported by five D.H.5s of No. 41 Squadron, nine from No. 24 Squadron, and four F.E.2bs. Immediately prior to the infantry attack, three D.H.5s of No. 41 Squadron went “over the top” to attack German front line trenches. They were followed by F.E.2bs of No. 18 Squadron, which attacked German trenches as the infantry advanced. The attack was subsequently deemed successful and well-coordinated, and the attacking aircraft supported by S.E.5as of No. 60 Squadron fired some 9,000 rounds into enemy positions.[4] On August 26 the attacks were supported by twelve D.H.5s of Nos. 24 and 41 Squadrons while strong friendly patrols kept German aircraft away from the D.H.5s. However, the confused nature of the ground fighting made effective ground support from the D.H.5s difficult, although Nieuports of No. 29 Squadron provided interdiction by strafing German support lines and reinforcements that were being sent to the front.[5] The successful ground attack efforts led to a contract for another 100 D.H.5s.

Ground support was also called upon during the Battle of the Minin Ridge road in September of 1917. Fighter Squadrons were ordered to patrol for eight hours, with pairs of fighters being relieved every two hours. Pilots were ordered to fly at under 500 feet and to watch for any signs of developing German counter-attacks. Enemy assembly points were also to be noted, and attacks were to be made against troop concentrations, transports and gun positions as well as any low flying enemy aircraft.[6]

Communication was obviously a problem, since the ground attack aircraft could only be guided by flares, smoke signals, panels, or signs, while the aircraft would be limited to throwing down written messages to the ground troops.

By the fall of 1917, both Germans and Allies had aircraft and units dedicated to ground attack. Casualties were high, and they remained high, especially when engaged in strafing trenches. Occasionally during the fall of that year, long-range patrols or sweeps were conducted by composite formations of Bristol F2B Fighters, Sopwith Pups and D.H.5s. These sweeps were stepped in layers to optimize the performance of each type of aircraft. Sopwith Pups would be flying at 15,000 feet, the Bristol F2Bs at 12,000 feet, while the D.H.5s would be flying at an altitude of 9,000 feet.[7] The success rate of these formations has unfortunately not been able to gauge, but they seem to have been discontinued during the last year of the war as more high-performance types of aircraft came into widespread service.

On the eve of the Battle of Cambrai, November 20, 1917, the RFC had amassed 134 single-seat fighters and 18 two-seater Bristol Fighters against 20 fighters of Jasta 5. On the morning of November 20, all three flights of Nos. 64 and 68 (Australian) Squadron, respectively, were in the air, although rain and fog forced the flights to operate in pairs, and soon enough aircraft were operating individually. The first casualty of No. 68 Squadron was probably Captain John Bell, who was shot through the chest. He crashed and was rescued, but he died of his wounds. Next to follow was Lieutenant Robertson, who’s D.H.5 was shot up so badly by an enemy aircraft that he had to land at the advanced landing ground at Bapaume. Lieutenant Huxley of No. 68 Squadron reported that he had dropped one bomb at a gun carriage, machine gunned the men around it, and killed three horses. He then blocked the road into Cambri by smashing a supply wagon in a similar manner. Flying through the mist he saw a body of 300 men, drawn up in fours as if on parade. “This parade was dismissed quicker than [any] parade ever before.” Lieutenant Les H. Holden landed his D.H.5 at the advanced landing ground with his machine a total wreck, earning the nicknames “Lucky Les” and “Homing Pigeon”. Lieutenant Leslie N. Ward was shot down by ground fire, and he broke his leg in the ensuing forced landing behind German lines, where he was captured. Captain Gordon C. Wilson of ‘B’-flight, No. 68 Squadron described how Lieutenant Harry Taylor was downed: “Then, as I zoomed up after a burst of machine-gun fire and turned to dive again, I missed Taylor… The next second the red light of a pilot-rocket showed up beside me. I guessed it was fired by Taylor, and it meant that he was in distress. Another red light followed rapidly, and then I saw him down on the ground wrecked and among the enemy. His machine was just a heap of wreckage. One wing lay twenty yards away from the rest of the heap, from which Taylor had scrambled…” Under protective fire from Captain Wilson, Taylor took up a German rifle, joining with an advancing British infantry patrol which had lost its officer, and leading it to bring in a wounded man. Taylor and his men made it back to the own lines, but not before trying to fly off in Captain Bell’s D.H.5. It was beyond repair, and Taylor rejoined the squadron at the advanced landing ground. No. 68 Squadron had six D.H.5s shot down on November 20, and one aircraft missing. One pilot was dead from his wounds, one survived his wounds, and one was missing.[8] The squadron was awarded six Military Crosses for its efforts during the Battle of Cambrai.

Four D.H.5s of No. 64 Squadron were sent to Flesquières on November 20, and they began their attacks on gun positions at 7am. “The pilots bombed the gun-pits, with their 25lb bombs, scoring at least one direct hit, and expended their ammunition against the gun-detachments. One group of gunners, who ran for shelter to a house, got jammed in the doorway and, immovable, were riddled by the bullets of the leader of the D.H.5s. One of the pilots had a stoppage in his machine-gun and had flown some distance eastwards before he had rectifies the stoppage. He turned back towards Flesquières, but when he came over the German battery positions again at 7-45 a.m, he could find no activity of guns or personnel. Several corpses of men were lying near the pits, and dead horses and a limber were on the road. It is possible that in the interim the guns had been pulled out and the earlier low-flying attacks had caused or accelerated this precaution.”[9]  

The attacks were a complete success, and the gun positions were evacuated. Other gun positions were strafed by Sopwith Camels from No. 3 and 46 Squadrons. The D.H.5s and Camels continued engaging enemy positions throughout the day, only landing to rearm and refuel their aircraft.   

By dawn on November 22, the battle was proceeding well, although the gains of the previous days were commanded by enemy positions on and around a ridge by the Bourlon Woods. Machine guns and infantry positions held up the advance, and the ridge had to be taken. Starting at 7.10am, aircraft from four squadrons, Nos. 3, 46, 64 and 68 (Australian), attacked targets in the woods with bombs and machine gun fire to soften up the German ground units. This time enemy aircraft reinforced the defenses, but the main source of casualties remained anti-aircraft fire. The actual infantry attack against the village Fontaine-Nôtre Dame and the Bourlon Woods began on November 23, and it was supported by the same four squadrons that had been active the day before. That morning, the D.H.5s of No. 68 (Australian) Squadron found the British attack being held up in a corner of Bourlon Woods. Three British tanks were brought to a halt by a German battery consisting of two guns. Lieutenant F. G. Huxley attacked the gun position with four 25-pound Cooper bombs from an altitude of 100 feet, which temporarily suppressed the battery, allowing the three tanks as well as another three behind to continue their attack. Huxley then proceeded to support an infantry attack on another German strongpoint with machine gun fire, which helped the infantry take the position. An American pilot serving with No. 68 (Australian) Squadron, Lieutenant A. Griggs, dived repeatedly at another position in the area, but he was shot down and killed by ground fire.

After D.H.5s and Camels had supported the attack on Bourlon Woods, it was concluded that “the aeroplane pilots often made advance possible when the attacking troops would otherwise have been pinned to the ground.”

By November 23, Manfred von Richthofen’s Jagdgeschwader 1 had been sent to reinforce the German defenses. Von Richthofen forced a D.H.5 to land before attacking D.H.5 A9299 flown by Lieutenant James Alexander Vazeill Boddy of No. 64 Squadron at 2pm. Boddy described the action on November 23 after the war:

“The first target I selected was a trench packed with Germans and as I dived down I was treated to the thrilling spectacle of our men actually charging in and taking it at the point of the bayonet. Next, I sprayed some reserves coming up from a village in the rear and then turned my attention to the support trenches behind Bourlon Wood which were to fully occupied to miss. Above the gaunt shattered trees of the wood itself the scene was indescribable. Out of the fog of smoke and gas, artillery and contact machines loomed from every direction. From below there was an inferno of bursting shells and at the edge of the woods a row of tanks appeared to be help up by anti-tank gun fire. One was blazing furiously. In the hope of being able to help them I searched the wood for these batteries and did my best to silence them with bombs and machine gun fire. My gun then jammed badly, and I flew around trying to clear it. What happened after that I am unable to say, but it seems that I was shot down and didn’t regain consciousness until I reached a base hospital two or three days later. I do remember seeing some of the red machines of Richthofen’s circus a few thousand feet up, but there were some S.E.s up there too, so I left it at that. Evidently one of them, and from the published list of his victories, I believe it was the Baron himself, got through and on to my tail. A bullet fractured my skull but subconsciously I must have kept control and tried to land – usually the D.H.5 being nose heavy dropped like a brick if you let go of the stick. I crashed between two trees in the north-east corner of the wood, and broke both of my thighs, one being completely crushed by the engine.”[10] 

When the Germans counter-attacked on November 30, they also committed ground attack aircraft, and there were several cases of brief air combat between the ground attack missions. That same day, November 30, the heavy anti-aircraft fire around the village of Bourlon led Lieutenant Arthur Gould Lee of No. 46 Squadron to try out a new tactic. Lee and his wingman were ordered to attack a specific house in the village in his Sopwith Camel using four 25-pound Cooper bombs. The original plan called for four separate attacks dropping one bomb each time, but the anti-aircraft fire dissuaded Lee, who instead opted for a steep dive into the concentration of enemy fire to a release altitude of 200 feet. Unfortunately, the two bombs dropped by Lee and his wingman missed the target, and Lee decided to go back by himself. This time Lee dove down to 100 feet, and he released his remaining three Cooper bombs, making his escape at a harrowing altitude of 20 feet. However, his Camel was only hit by two enemy rounds, one shattering the handle of his throttle control, and one grazing his Verey gun shells.[11] It is not known if the D.H.5 squadrons tried out bombing at a steep angle, although the robustness of the D.H.5 would have allowed it, but the RFC and RAF conducted various experiments with so-called dive-bombing from single-seaters during 1918.

The air activity continued to be intense around Cambrai until the offensive ended on December 7. The Germans committed special squadrons, Schutzstaffeln, for the protection of observation aircraft and for trench attack. There were often more than 50 aircraft over a front of five miles, as described by a pilot: “An absolute melee of aircraft around Bourlon Wood, the air thick with D.H.5s, S.E.5s, R.E.8s and Bristol Fighters.”[12] This was also the last hurrah for the D.H.5. since most units switched to S.E.5s towards the end of 1917.

During the Battle of Cambrai, the casualty rate never dropped below 30 percent, and during the initial phases of the battle, on November 20, a staggering 35 percent of aircraft committed to close air support failed to return. Out of the D.H.5s of No. 64 Squadron, No. 68 (Australian) Squadron and the Sopwith Camels of No. 46 Squadron engaged that day, nine aircraft were lost over enemy territory, while four were wrecked and thirteen were so badly damaged from enemy fire or accidents in the prevailing mist that they had to be sent back to depots for reconstruction. The fighter pilots resented close air support missions, as it was seen as a terrible waste of men and equipment. One aviator claimed that he would “rather than face a single trench-strafing foray, I would much prefer to go through half a dozen dogfights with Albatroses”.[13]

It is worth noting that the combined arms tactics of the Cambrai offensive led to German anti-aircraft guns being used against tanks, and the German High Command had to issue special orders to limit the use of anti-aircraft artillery against tanks.[14] Ground attack aircraft still did retain some air defense tasks, though, and four D.H.5s or Camels awaiting ground support missions were always to be prepared to engage enemy aircraft before being called upon to support the ground troops.

After the war, the RAF did engage in ground attack missions as part of its air policing of the colonies, but ground attack was not to be part of RAF doctrine, mainly due to the high casualty rate. The heavy bomber was to be the main vehicle a new strategic concept for engaging targets on the ground.

Bibliograhy:

 John Bennett. Highest Traditions. The History of No 2 Squadron RAAF. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1995

F.M. Cutlack. Official History of the Australia in the War of 1918, Vol. VIII, Australian Flying Corps < https://www.awm.gov.au/collection/C1417020>

Richard P. Hallion. Strike From the Sky: The History of Battlefield Air Attack, 1910-1945.  University of Alabama Press, 1989

H. A. Jones. History of the Great War Based on Official Documents of the Historical Section of the Committee of Imperial Defence. The War in the Air Being the Story of the Part Played in the Great War by the Royal Air Force, Vol IV. London: Oxford University Press, 1934

Colin Owers. De Havilland Aircraft of World War I. Volume 2: D.H.5 – D.H.15. Boulder: Flying Machines Press, 2001

Alex Revell. British Fighter Units. Western Front 1917-18. London: Osprey Publishing Ltd, 1978

Charles Schaedel. Men &Machines of the Australian Flying Corps, 1914-19. Victoria: Kookaburra Technical Publications,972

Peter C. Smith. Dive Bomber! Aircraft, Technology, and Tactics in World War II. Mechanicsburg: Stackpole Books, 2008

The De Havilland D.H.5. Profile Publications, Number 181. Leatherhead: Profile Publications.

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[1] The De Havilland D.H.5. Profile Publications, Number 181. Leatherhead: Profile Publications, p. 5

[2] Owers, p.1

[3] P. 176

[4] Revell, pp. 17-18

[5] Jones, p. 180; Revell, p. 18

[6] Revell, p. 18

[7] Jones, p. 232

[8] Owers, pp. 2-3, Schaeder pp. 37-38

[9] F.M. Cutlack. Official History of the Australia in the War of 1918, Vol. VIII, Australian Flying Corps.

[10] Revell, pp. 22-24.

[11] Smith, p. 11

[12] Revell, p. 25

[13] Strike From the Sky, p 21.

[14] Jones, p. 246

Hardit Singh Malik, The Flying Hobgoblin

Approximately 1.3 million Indians served in the Great War, but only four of them - Hardit Singh Malik, Srikrishna Welingkar, Indra Lal "Laddie" Roy and Eroll Chunder Sen - would pilot his Majesty's aircraft. The first one of these distinguished pioneers was Hardit Singh Malik, who was born on November 23, 1894 in Rawalpindi, Punjab, just about 45 years after the British had conquered Punjab. He was the second son of three in the upper-class family, and he had the opportunity to travel to England at the age of 14, where he attended prep school. Malik then studied at Eastbourne College before being admitted to Balliol College in Oxford where he studied history. He graduated in 1915, and he also achieved an Oxford Blue in golf, which is awarded at Commonwealth universities for competition at the highest level. He also played 18 first-class cricket games throughout his life. According to Malik, being a good sportsman did open several doors early in his careers, and it also served him well later in life.

Following the outbreak of the Great War, Malik volunteered for service at the American hospital in Neuilly-sur-Seine during university vacations, and he also volunteered for service with the Royal Flying Corps (RFC) following graduation. He was, however, denied a commission, probably due to the racial and cultural biases of the time: "most of us were being looked at as potential revolutionaries not to be trusted in the Armed Services". It was instead suggested that he become an orderly in an Indian military hospital in Brighton.

Malik was still determined to serve, so he became an ambulance driver with the French Red Cross in 1916, serving in the Cognac district, and he eventually volunteered for the Aéronautique Militaire, the French Air Force. Considering this to be scandalous, Malik's former Oxford tutor and history don Francis "Sligger" Urquhart wrote a letter to the head of the Military Aeronautics Directrate of the War Office, General Henderson, Malik was finally made the first Indian RFC cadet after interviewing with the General. He commenced training at No. 1 Armament School in Aldershot on April 5, 1917: "The very first day I appeared on parade, the Sergeant Major spotted my turban. 'Why aren't you in uniform?' he roared." Malik replied that he was, and he didn't understand what he [the Sergeant Major] meant..."I tried to explain that as a Sikh I must wear a turban". Fortunately, the Adjutant of the unit intervened, and Malik could wear his turban.The physical aspects of his faith and culture would cause some bewilderment throughout his military career, as later on in 1917 when his new batman in No. 28 Squadron entered his tent with superfluous morning shaving water, only to be berated by Malik.

Hardit Singh Malik

After a month of basic training, Malik was transferred to a Royal Naval Air Service (RNAS) station in Vendome, west of Orleans, where pilots from both the RFC and the RNAS were given basic flight training. He was able to go solo in a Caudron GIII after two-and-a-half hours in the air before proceeding to fly Bristol Scouts as well as Avro 504s, BE.2Cs, Sopwith Pups and Nieuports. Malik completetd his training on June 22, 1917, and he was commissioned a Flight Lieutenant in No. 26 Squadron at Rendcombe in England. Being a Sikh, Malik wore a turban even while flying, although he wore a specially designed and fitted flying helmet that covered the turban, thus earning him the affectionate nickname the "Flying Hobgoblin", and somewhat later "The Flying Sikh of Biggin Hill".

The badge is supposed to be a springbok head, although it bears kudu horns. The motto is in Afrikaans and means A Watchman in the Air.

No. 26 Squadron was formed in Netheravon on October 8, 1915, mainly from personnel belonging to the South African Air Corps. The squadron served in East Africa between January and June 1916 before being transferred to the Western Front. In mid-1917 the unit was being re-equipped with Bristol Fighters. Hardit Singh Malik's time with No. 26 Squadron proved to be fairly uneventful, and he transferred to No. 28 Squadron, which was flying the Sopwith Camel. In October 1917 Malik joined this Squadron at its aerodrome in Droglandt in Flanders.

Malik became part of "C" Flight, which was commanded by Canadian future Major William "Billy" Barker, VC, DSO and Bar, MC and two Bars, who was to become the most decorated serviceman in Canadian history with 50 air victories. Barker was an aggressive combat leader and an excellent marksman, although not a particularly skilled pilot. He would lead Malik in several actions.

The Squadron was commanded by a Major Glansville, a regular who had served in the West Indies. Glansville was apparently regularly ignored by the dramatic and emotional Barker who took or at least interpreted  instructions he thought necessary from Wing Headquarters, and Barker ended up planning all flight operations while Glansville ran the administration of the Squadron.

No. 28 Squadron was completing its training for combat duty after arriving in France on October 8, and the Squadron history records that "The first operations were carried out on the 18th [of October] when Line Patrols and Aerial Sentry Duty took the place of formation and fighting practice throughout the greater part of the day. With singular luck all but four of those who crossed the lines on this first occasion saw enemy aircraft. In several cases, engagements at long range followed, but in no case with decisive results. The first, which occurred between 10 and 11 am, involved Captain W G Barker MC, Officer Commanding "C" Flight. Captain G A R Spain and P C Campbell, of "A" and "B" Flights respectively, likewise encountered hostile machines on this day, but were unable to close with them. Lieutenants H S Malik, who accompanied Barker, and J Mitchell, accompanying Lieutenant D Shanks, also opened fire in the course of their first day's operations over the lines".

Malik himself recalled the first patrol as follows: "I was in a formation of Sopwith Camels led by Barker... I was flying next to Barker, very close to him, and I saw him smile and point his thumb backwards. I looked but could see nothing. Within a few seconds, however, I saw what he had seen before any of the others - a German scout diving on him and firing! Barker had anticipated this, and like the lightning he did a fast climbing turn, got on the tail of the Hun and shot him down. It was all over in a few seconds. Later during that same flight I got into single combat with a German aeroplane and after much manoeuvering, each trying to get in the other's tail, I got him and had the satisfaction of seeing him go down in flames". However, there seems to be no claims for this particular patrol, but as usual the intensity and pace of air combat makes it difficult to confirm claims, especially if combat occurred over enemy lines.

On October 26, 1917, Barker led his unit in an attack in the direction of Poelcapelle after several days of comparative quiet. The weather was poor, with heavy rains having started the following night and lasting throughout the day leading to low visibility. Barker had apparently heard that units of Manfred von Richthofen's Jagdgeschwader 1 (The Flying Circus) were located Marckebeeke, and he was attempting a surprise raid.

Malik later said that "it was most foolhardy operation... and [it] was planned over the CO's head. He [the CO] actually forbade it! Barker got the OK for it from Wing HQ". According to Barker, this sortie would have the element of surprise, as no one would dare to take off and oppose them in such conditions. There was a call for volunteers, and out of several willing hands, Lieutenants Malik in Camel B5406, J. B. Fenton and N. C. Jones were chosen to accompany Barker in Camel B6313. The four aircraft took off in soft drizzle from their muddy airfield at 1045, climbing through the overcast and crossing the front lines.

At approximately the same time, four Albatros scouts took off from the aerodrome of Jasta 18 - actually not a member of Jagdgeschwader 1 - at Harlebeke in what was described as "showery strong southwest wind". The German pilots were all seasoned veterans: Paul Strähle in Albatros D.V 4594/17 (blue and red and with a wide battleaxe adorning its side), Otto Schober, Arthur Rahn and Johannes Klein. Rahn was new to the Staffel, having arrived only six days earlier, but he was a veteran from Jasta 19 with three confirmed victories.

The inclement weather led to the RFC flight splitting up, with both Jones and Fenton being separated from Barker, who pressed on with Malik remaining at his side despite the bad visibility. The Albatros scouts and the Camels met by pure chance west of Roulers, probably with with Strähle and his fellow pilots having the advantage in height. Strähle recalled that "at about 1,200 meters we fired at two enemy single-seaters. One [Malik] dived to fire at targets on the ground at targets on the ground and I went after him. The other [Barker] was engaged by Klein and Schober. Rahn stayed with me. In a tough dogfight lasting more than a quarter of an hour, sometimes only a few feet over the ground, I fought the enemy as far as Ichtegem, where unfortunately I had to break off because my guns had jammed. For me this fight was the hottest and most exciting that I had in my whole fighting career. Apart from the good pilot, his machine was faster and more manoeuverable than mine, to which must be added the low altitude, showers and rain. But for this I might have got him. Once I thought he would have to land, as he had a long trail of smoke, but it was not to be. I landed on the aerodrome at Ichtegem, where it was raining heavily. For the whole of the fight I had used full throttle (airspeed 200 km per hour), 1,600 rpm. Three times we were down to ground level! His machine had a "5" next to the cockade on the left upper wing". 

Barker had an equally vicious fight with Otto Schober, and his combat report stated that "I sighted 15 [sic] enemy aircraft west of Roulers. I attacked one with a red nose [Schober], fought for 15 minutes and at 1,000 ft got a burst of 30 rounds at 20 yards range, and the enemy aircraft went down in flames and crashed. A second enemy aircraft [Klein] attacked me We fought for about ten minutes at heights between 50 ft and 500 ft over the wood midway between Roulers and Thielt. While turning to the right, I got a burst of 40 rounds into the enemy aircraft, which sideslipped, crashed and burst into flames on the ground". Barker was credited with two enemy aircraft shot down, while Malik was credited with one victory. Following the dogfight, Barker lost his orientation, and he landed at Arras before returning to Droglandt later that day.

The various reports of the action clearly illustrate the difficulties of reconstructing air-to-air combat, even with the events in fresh memory, as Klein survived unscathed. According to Strähle "Schober was attcked almost vertically from below and shot down by the other Englishman who had spun away before. Schober himself was hit by several bullets and dived straight into the ground. I had again lost a good friend and comrade who was generally liked by the whole Staffel." Schober crashed in the area of Sleyhage.

Strähle did not receive conformation for a shot down aircraft, although Malik's Camel was damaged and he himself wounded. Malik was later told that his aircraft had been riddled by some 400 bullets, two of which pierced his right leg and at least one that went through the fuel tank, filling the cockpit with gasoline vapors: "There was a sharp smell of petrol and a sharp pain in my leg". The semi-conscious Malik managed to crash-land his Camel on the Allied side of the front lines, having suffered significant blood loss and a broken nose, the latter presumably from the landing. Paul Strähle survived the war with 15 victories to his name.

Meanwhile. Lieutenant Fenton attacked a column of trucks on the Staden-Roulers road with 100 rounds of machine gun fire. He claimed to have destroyed two trucks, although he was wounded by anti-aircraft fire but managed to return safely. Lieutenant Jones also managed to return to the aerodrome without incident.

Malik was hospitalized, and while recuperating he submitted a report concerning the action of October 26 in which he claimed that Barker could not have survived. Coincidentally, Barker's after-action report conversely stated that Malik in all likelihood didn't survive the encounter with Jasta 18.

Following hospitalization, Malik rejoined No. 28 Squadron in Northern Italy, since the Squadron was re-deployed to support the Italians on November 7. Malik's turban was considered to be quite exotic in Italy, not least with Italian women. The squadron took part in the air battles above the Piave river and at Vittorio Veneto, but Malik developed a severe allergic reaction to the castor oil used in the Camel's rotary engine, and he was hospitalized once more. 

In 1918, a recuperated Malik returned to service in the newly-formed Royal Air Force (RAF), flying ferry and home defense missions with Bristol Fighters to St. Omer with No. 141 Squadron at Biggin Hill.

Malik with a Bristol Fighter.

Malik was re-deployed to France and Nivelles with No. 11 Squadron after the armistice before returning to India in April 1919

It has been claimed that Malik shot down six or even eight enemy scouts, but he has been credited with two enemy aircraft shot down. Indra Lal "Laddie" Roy was to become the first Indian ace while flying an a SE.5A with No. 40 Squadron. Roy's official claims were five shot down, with one shared victory, and another five "down out of control" in a mere thirteen days before he was shot down and killed on July 22, 1918.

Hardit Singh Malik enjoyed a long, very successful and quite distinguished career as a civil servant in both colonial and independent India before retiring in 1957. He passed away in 1985, and his autobiography, A Little Work, A Little Play was published in 2011.  


Sources:

John Guttman and Peter Bull. Sopwith Camel. Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2012

Ranjot Singh, OBE. Sikh Achievers. New Delhi: Hemkunt Publishers, 2008

Greg VanWyngarden. Jasta 18. The Red Noses. Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2011

http://samilitaryhistory.org/vol056dt.html

http://www.sikhfoundation.org/people-events/first-indian-pilot-sardar-hardit-singh-malik/

http://www.sikharts.com/ff2009_flying-sikhs.html

http://www.sikh-history.com/sikhhist/personalities/military/malik.html

http://www.sikhchic.com/books/a_little_work_a_little_play_the_autobiography_of_hardit_singh_malik

http://www.nytimes.com/1985/11/06/world/sardar-hs-malik-90-former-indian-official.html

http://www.hmdt.org.uk/hmdtmusic/trenchbrothersteaching/wp-content/uploads/sites/6/2014/08/Hardit-Singh-Malik-.pdf

http://indiaww1.in/Flying-Sikh-Hardit-Singh-Malik-by-Somnath-Sapru.pdf

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Indians-who-lorded-over-European-skies-in-WWI/articleshow/44717029.cms

http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p022ybgy

https://aiucentre.wordpress.com/2015/06/10/a-camel-for-india-hardit-singh-malik/

http://www.rafmuseumstoryvault.org.uk/ID/?90051902

https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/documents/filesonfilm/air-ministry--officers-service-records-hardit-or-hardutt-singh-malik-air-76-331.pdf

https://vimeo.com/40764466

Geoffrey Hornblower Cock, Strutter Ace

The Sopwith 1½ Strutter, also known as the Sopwith Two-Seater by the Royal Flying Corps (RFC) and the Sopwith Type 9400 by the Royal Naval Air Service (RNAS) was a versatile aircraft that served in the roles of two-seat scout, or fighter, single-seat bomber, single-seat night fighter and two-seat reconnaissance aircraft. It was also the first British aircraft to sport a synchronized Vickers gun for the pilot as well as air brakes, while the observer was armed with a Lewis gun. The 1½ Strutter got its name from the “W” shaped centre section cabane struts, and the first unit to operate it was No. 5 Wing, RNAS, in April 1916. The RFC’s No. 70 Squadron started using the 1½-Strutter in July 1916, and the aircraft was also used by France, the United States, Belgium, Romania and Russia. In all more than 6,000 1½ Strutters were built, with France building most of them, or around 4,500 aircraft.

The 1½ Strutter was powered by a 110 hp Clerget rotary engine, although it was eventually re-engined with a 130 hp Clerget 9B. The last unit to use the 1½-Strutter was No. 70 Squadron RAF which was a Home Defense unit flying from Goldhangar and Stow Maries in Essex. The aircraft was also used in the Russian Civil War and in the Polish-Soviet war of 1919 to 1921.

A replica of a Sopwith 1½ Strutter with 1916 RNAS markings.

Geoffey Hornblower Cock.  

The Sopwith 1½ Strutter was a clean design that tended to “float” when attempting to land, and being very stable and having stiff controls, it was not a good fighter. The distance between pilot and observer also led to communication difficulties, which further reduced combat effectiveness. However, the armament initially compensated for this to a considerable degree, but by October 1916 the Sopwith was already facing serious problems with the new German Albatros Scouts. The long range of the Sopwith was still useful, though, and it was used for reconnaissance and bombing missions with suitable escorts, even if casualties were fairly heavy. “Bloody April” 1917 saw No. 43 Squadron alone suffer 35 casualties out of a compliment of 32 officers.

Nevertheless, the 1½ Strutter did score successes up to the last unit on the Western Front converted to Sopwith Camels in October 1917, and the leading Strutter ace scored all of his victories between April and July 1917. Enter Geoffey Hornblower Cock.

Geoffrey was the son of James and Adeline Anna Cook, and he was born on January 7, 1896, in Shrewsbury, England. He joined the 28th Battalion of The Artists Rifles Officers’ Training Corps in December 1915. This unit is actually a bit curious, since it was formed in 1859 by Edward Sterling, an art student, as volunteer light infantry unit comprised of painters, musicians, architects, actors and other creative professions as part of a widespread volunteer movement in response to a potential French invasion. The unit served throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, and in this day it has become the 21st Special Air Service Regiment (Artists’ Rifles).  

After his officer’s training, Cock transferred to the RFC in June 1916. He trained with No. 25 Reserve Squadron in Thetford, and he received Pilot’s Certificate No. 2157 in September that year. His next unit was No. 45 Squadron RFC, which was in the process of relocating from Gosport to the area north of Ypres, France, and it left England on October 14, 1916. This unit was mainly equipped with Sopwith 1½ Strutters, although it also had a few Nieuport 20 two-seaters, and both of these types would be facing serious difficulties with the German scouts in the months to come. It should be added that No. 45 squadron included a number of future prominent airmen, including a flight commander by the name of Arthur Harris, who eventually became the commanding officer of No. 45 Squadron, and a quarter of a century later the leader of RAF Bomber Command.

The 1½ Strutters were used by Nos. 43, 45 and 70 Squadrons of the RFC, while the RNAS had additional Strutters in both France and the Adriatic. The aircraft were initially used defensively, flying in stepped-up pairs. This formation was supposed to mediate the effects of anti-aircraft fire (the ever-present “Archie”), but the German anti-aircraft had rudimentary ways of determining height and speed of a formation, so shells would burst at various heights of the formation to cause damage. The Strutters did want to retain formation to provide better defense against enemy scouts, so the formation was changed into a group of “vees” with each aircraft occupying different height. This formation was easier to maneuver in ways that would be much more difficult for anti-aircraft gunners to predict. If attacked by scouts, the Strutters would typically form circles to defend themselves like the Royal Aircraft Factory F.E.2b pusher aircraft.

Hornblower Cock survived the winter and spring of 1916-17, but as he became more experienced, Cock started handling his 1½ Strutter in a more aggressive fashion, much like the Bristol Fighters would be flown later in the war. He engaged the enemy with the front machine gun while his observer handled any opposition to the rear of the aircraft. His first victories came at just about 1030AM on April 6, 1917, when he destroyed an Albatros D.III and drove another down and out of control above Lille. According to Cock, “the first hostile machine came up on the front of the formation, flew along at the side and slightly in front, firing at about 300 yards range; he then crossed well in front of the formation and I got in a burst of about seventy rounds from the front gun. Then the other hostile machines came up behind the formation and attacked the rear and middle machines of the formation.”

No. 45 Squadron was under intense pressure during the spring of 1917, and casualties mounted rapidly in the skies above Arras as the Battle of Arras started on Easter Monday, April 9, 1917. It was to last for almost a month, until May 4. The objective was to take Vimy Ridge and the offensive was to be aggressively supported by 25 RFC squadrons in two brigades, one supporting the I Army and the other the III Army, and a reserve Wing. The German defenders were determined to make sure that British air power remained checked, and the German units defending the German lines included many veteran units, first and foremost Jasta 11 at Douai, which was commanded by Manfred von Richthofen. No. 45 Squadron was not initially part of the Battle of Arras, but being based in the immediate vicinity they were rapidly drawn into the carnage. Hornblower Cock commented himself that “every hostile machine completely outmanoeuvred us and were capable of beating us in climbing, turning and speed.”

Hornblower Cock was appointed flight commander at some point in May, and more victories followed despite the adverse circumstances. At 450PM on May 9, 1917 and with three victories under his belt, Cock flew at the rear of a formation north-west of Seclin when he spotted an enemy aircraft behind the formation of Strutters. He fired a red Very flare to alert his comrades, and then he spun his Strutter around to engage the enemy. His accurate fire sent one Albatros down almost right away, and after a ten-minute battle, yet another Albatros D.III was spinning down in a nose dive. Cock then swerved right, and his observer, 2nd Lieutenant John Murison, poured machine-gun fire into yet another Albatros. The end result was one enemy aircraft destroyed and the other one destroyed and shared with future ace 2nd Lieutenant William Wright and his observer, 2nd Lieutenant Edward Caulfield Kelly. Back safely on the ground, Cock handed in his combat report, and someone added a footer that stated: “This is gallant, but is all against orders and common sense.”

It is interesting to note that Hornblower Cock flew with no less than seven different observers while scoring his victories. Pilots and observers tended to form long-standing teams, with both aviators being quite dependent on each other. It is not known if the change of observers was due to casualties among the pilots and observers of the Squadron, procedures within the squadron to rotate pilots and observers, personality issues or some other reason, but going through so many observers seems odd. The most notable observer to fly with Hornblower Cock was 2nd Lieutenant Victor White MC and Bar, who scored his first aerial victory on July 13, 1917, and then proceeded to shoot down another five enemy aircraft as an observer in Bristol F.2b Fighters

The luck of Hornblower Cock ran out while flying his 97th sortie on July 22, 1917. He did shoot down an Albatros D.V in flames at 1035 in the morning, but he was in turn shot down by Hauptmann (Captain) Wilhelm Reinhard of Jasta 11 over Warneton as the first of his in all 20 victories. Hornblower Cock was the last survivor of the pilots of No. 45 Squadron that had reported for duty in France some nine months earlier. He did however survive being shot down, but he ended up on the German side of the trenches, and he became a prisoner-of-war. An attempt to escape the prisoner-of-war camp failed, and Hornblower Cock was repatriated in December 1918. He was awarded the Military Cross on July 26, 1917, and he eventually claimed 19 victories, although 15 of these were considered to be certain. Nine victories were accomplished with the front machine gun while the observer’s rear gun counted for the remaining six. However, the total may have included several claims of aircraft “driven down”, a term that was no longer used by 1917, and records exist of 13 claims of aircraft shot by Cock and his observers, three shared victories, one aircraft shared and destroyed and nine aircraft “out of control”.

Cock described his flying experiences in 1967: “The 1½ Strutter was a good aircraft, but the front gun was quite useless. I, however, was lucky in getting the Ross interrupter gear on trial, and this speeded up the rate of fire of the front gun to almost normal rate, and I got most of my victories with it. Of course, both front and rear guns were operating in a fight, but if the Hun was shot down while the rear gun was firing at him, the gunner got the credit, and very rightly too.”

The Ross interrupter gear was unique to the 1½ Strutters, and it enabled the pilots to fire the Vickers without engaging the interrupter gear, thus increasing the rate of fire but increasing the risk of damage to the propeller. Noman Macmillan, MC, was a flight commander in No. 45 Squadron, and he claimed that “some aircraft came back with as many as twenty bullet holes in the propeller, but no one was known to have been lost because of a shot-off [propeller] blade.”

Hornblower Cock remained in the Royal Air Force after the end of the war. He was promoted from Flight Lieutenant to Squadron Leader on January 1, 1928, as part of the Air Ministry’s New Year Honours, and he commanded No. 9 Squadron at Boscombe Down in 1935. Hornblower Cock finally served on Malta during the siege of the island before retiring as a Group Captain in 1943. He passed away on February 16, 1980, at the age of 84.

Citation for the award of the Military Cross:

Temp 2nd Lt. Geoffrey Hornblower Cock, Gen. List and R.F.C.
   “For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty. On many occasions he showed great courage and determination in attacking and destroying hostile aircraft, and in dispersing hostile troops from a low altitude. His skill as a formation leader has set a fine example to the other pilots of his squadron.” 

(Supplement to the London Gazette, July 26, 1917)

Aircraft claimed by Geoffrey Hornblower Cock:

April 6, 1030AM, in aircraft # A1075 above Lille: Albatros D.III destroyed (obs 2/Lt John Murison)

April 6, 1030AM, in aircraft # A1075 above Lille: Albatros D.III out-of-control (obs 2/Lt John Murison)

May 7, 630PM, in aircraft # A8260 above Don-Lille: SS D.I out-of-control (obs 2/Lt John Murison)

May 9, 450PM,  in aircraft # A8260 NW Seclin: Albatros D.III destroyed (obs 2/Lt John Murison)

May 9, 500PM, in aircraft # A8260 NW Seclin: Albatros D.III destroyed (obs 2/Lt John Murison) 

May 20, 430PM, in aircraft # A8226 above Lille: Albatros D.III out-of-control (obs 2/Lt A S Carey) 

May 27, 0630AM,  in aircraft # A1016 above Menin: Albatros D.III out-of-control (obs 2/Lt Edward Kelly)

May 28, 100PM, in aircraft # A8299 above Menin: Albatros D.III destroyed (obs 2/Lt W G Corner) 

June 16, 600PM, aircraft unknown above Warneton: Albatros D.V out-of-control (obs 2/Lt John Murison)

July 6, 300PM, aircraft unknown NW Comines: Albatros D. III out-of-control (obs Lt C T R Ward)

July 7, 500PM, aircraft unknown, above Wervicq: Albatros D. III out-of-control (obs Lt C T R Ward)

July 13, 315PM, aircraft unknown, E Polygon Wood: Albatros D.III out-of-control (obs Lt Victor White)

July 22, 1035AM, in aircraft # B2576 above Wernet: Albatros D.III destroyed (obs 2/Lt William Wright)